The statements made in this paper are extracted or condensed from a letter of Dr. A. Douai, dated San-Antonio, Texas, September 4th 1854. Their accuracy and authenticity is certified to by Mr. Olmsted of New York who spent the last winter in Western Texas and made it his business to inform himself reliably upon the subject to which they relate.
Dividing the settled portions of the state of Texas with three sections—the first, between the Sabine and Trinity Rivers, the second, between the Trinity and the Guadalupe and the third, between the Guadalupe and the Rio Grande, the following classification of inhabitants may be made.
| Eastern Texas | Central T. | Western T. | Total | |
| Whites Born in the Free States |
8,000 | 7,000 | 10,000 | 25,000 |
| Whites Born in the Slave States |
66,000 | 32,000 | 40,000 | 138,000 |
| Germans & Other Europeans | 8,000 | 6,000 | 11,000 | 25,000 |
| Mexicans | none | 25,000 | 25,000 | |
| Negroes | 32,000 | 18,000 | 35,000 | 85,000 |
| Indians | 2,000 | 1,000 | 7,000 | 10,000 |
Somewhat definite indications may be drawn from this classification, of the number of persons in Western Texas whose interests will be found in a few years to be opposed to the extension of Slavery and in favor of a free state between the Slave states on the gulf and the republic of Mexico.
All classes of the population of Western Texas are increasing rapidly except the Indians. The direct German immigration continues in an increasing ratio to that of the Americans. The whole Mexican population is opposed to slavery and opposed to the settlement of slaveholders in the country (while it is friendly to all other immigrants.) So distinctly is this the case that in two [315
] counties where the slaveholders were most powerful, all the Mexican residents have been driven from their homes and expelled [from] the counties by Lynch-law process. All the male Mexican population is entitled to vote on arriving at mature age.
Among the German population there is a universal repugnance to slavery and a disinclination to its introduction or further extension in the country. But the majority of the German population being more or less dependent for employment or patronage on the slaveholders, who are the sole capitalists of the country, are timid, irresolute and conservative in their actions and expressions on the subject. They are forced to realize every day however that their ultimate interests are opposed to the Slave-labor system. A considerable part of the German population will be entitled to vote in from two to four years.
The Germans and Mexicans together form about 2/15 of the present white population. A strong party has lately been formed among the Germans, distinctly and avowedly hostile to the extension of Slavery. It includes in it many brave men who previous to the revolutions of 1848 had gained European reputations as Statesmen, Lawyers, Scholars, Merchants and Proprietors; many of whom now support their families solely by their manual labor, and are made directly cognizant of the degradation of labor effected by the presence of Slavery.
Of the American-born population, more than three quarters is nonslaveholding, but even more than the Germans, is subject to the moral rule of the slaveholders. “This,” says Dr. Douai, “may at anytime become otherwise. They may find out how different are their interests from those of the slaveholders. But it seems that the impulse, the issue, the beginning, must be made by us foreigners. In vain we have expected till this day, their initiating the matter, and now that we have started the movement, laid the foundation of a Free party, we find that there is something to be hoped from that quarter.”
A convention of about 140 Germans from all parts of the state was held at San Antonio on the 17th of May last, at which it was resolved that Slavery should be considered an evil to the country: that, nevertheless, legal rights of property in slaves should be respected and not violently or suddenly destroyed; but that, in legislation, it were better policy to take measures for the gradual and quiet extinction of the evil than for its perpetuation and extension.
No strong demonstration against these resolutions was made by the American press or people until more than a month after their publication: then one Rossy, a baptized Jew, formerly a representative from Comal County and notoriously a political speculator, denounced them and the new Free party (so called) in the American papers. A considerable part of the German population of San Antonio & New Braunfels were induced to take sides with Rossy against the movement. Immediately that this was known by the slaveholders and that large class of ruffianly characters who congregate in these frontier towns, their [316
] constrained excitement burst forth with great violence. Public threats of lynching the leaders of the Free party were made, and it is believed that it was only because they speedily found that they could not rely upon the support of the “reactionary” Germans for extreme measures, and that the Free party was too strong to be easily conquered in a fight, that these threats were not executed. A great many Germans, however, were appalled by the violence of the slaveholders and their allies. The “San Antonio Zeitung,” a German paper which had published the resolutions against the perpetuation of slavery and which sustained the views of the Convention, was in danger of being broken up; many subscribers feared to take it and countermanded their subscriptions and many stockholders expressed their dissatisfaction with the editor.
This paper is owned by a large company of small share-holders. It was started about two years ago. The editorship had then been unanimously conferred upon Dr. Douai, a man admirably qualified, brave, discreet and amiable, as well as highly cultivated in all respects. He had then but lately arrived in Texas, having only escaped from prison within the year. Under his management, the Zeitung was very popular among the Germans and very successful, its subscription list soon becoming larger than that of any other of the 57 newspapers published in the state, with one exception. Notwithstanding extraordinary expenses it has paid 5 per cent. per annum on the capital invested, the editor himself receiving a salary of $600. on which he supports a large family and an aged father, formerly a clergyman in Europe and educated in luxury, in a city where the expenses of living are as great as in New York.
During the late excitement Dr. Douai offered his resignation to the directors, assuring them that he would remain in no situation where he was not perfectly free to express his convictions in accordance with his own discretion on any subject whatever. Forthwith, an attempt was made to have this resignation accepted and to employ Rossy as editor. It was found that there were three parties among the directors, a Free party, a Moderate or Quietist party and a Slavery party. It was finally resolved that on the 17th of September the paper should be sold, so as to make it wholly dependent on the public patronage—but not to the highest bidder, but to the bidder who should be on the whole most agreeable to the stockholders.
Dr. Douai, urged thereto by many of the directors, issued a Circular to all Germans in Texas on the subject, requesting the assistance and support of all who were in favor of practicing the rights of free thinking, speaking and voting on the subject of the extension of Slavery. On the 4th September he says, “At the time I write it is beyond doubt that the Zeitung can be sustained (by subscriptions) and continued in its free spirit and speech—can even speak more freely than before, finds a public where it had none before and will find many friends among Americans as soon as it shall be published half in English and half in German. This shall be done, as soon as I become proprietor.”
Dr. Douai had ascertained that a majority of the stockholders would [317
] sell the paper and office to him on certain terms which he was prepared to offer, in preference to anyone else. (Advices since received announce that this has been done.)
Dr. Douai is poor and his party is poor. To enable him to carry on the paper and increase its influence as proposed, he requires a loan for one year of at least $340.00.
He writes to the friends of free speech at the North, who are not poor, in conclusion: “Well. Help us to save our paper founded so hardly by my one and half years work without just recompensation—endangered now and for ever if I cannot become its proprietor. Help us to save it from the hands of these Slaveholders and Hunkers who will get possession if I cannot myself, or if because of that little debt, and the want of paper and materials, I should be obliged to sell it again to the highest bidder.”
It is proposed to raise a fund to sustain free speech and to advocate the propriety and expedience of forming an ultimately free state in Western Texas.